Piers Plowman

		In a somyr sesoun . whenne I souþ wente Bennett Hi Miceal -- these commentaries are really ugly. Hasmik should edit this prologue.xml file and remove all the blank lines in the footnote sections of the XML document. 1 The opening lines offer verbal resemblances to certain passages in <i>Somer Soneday</i>, a stanzaic alliterative poem in the W. Midland dialect, which is assigned by its editors to the period 1327-50: v. C. Brown, <i>Studies in English Philology</i> (Minneapolis 1929, pp. 362-74, and R. H. Robbins, <i>English Historical Poems</i> (1959), no. 38. The stanzas begin, ëOpon a somer soneday se I þe sonneí; the poet ëwarp on [his] wedesí and soon ëin launde under lynde me leste to lendeí; "So wyde I walkedeí, he says, ëþat I wax wery of þe wayí. There follows a visionary hunting scene, which apparently alludes to the death of Edward II (1327). It is not necessary to infer that L knew this particular poem (which does not include a dream proper); but the similarities of phrasing suggest that a convention for beginning such alliterative poems had been established before his time. Two other alliterative poems datable c. 1350 have similar openings: (i) <i>The Parlement of the Thre Ages</i>, which begins: In the monethe of Maye when mirthes ben fele And the sesone of somere when softe bene the wedres Als I went to the wodde, my werdes to dreghe, Ö and describes a hunt in a wood: the sun grows so warm that the poet ëslomerede a whileí and ëdremed a ful dreghe swevyní (102). (ii) <i>Wynnere and Wastoure</i> (ed. I. Gollancz), which after a Prologue of 30 ll. introduces the poet as ëwandrynge myne one / Bi a bonke of a bourne, bryghte was the soneí; he lies down, but cannot sleep, ëfor dyn of the depe water and darylling of foullysí: <div class="c2"> Bot as I laye at þe laste þan lowked myn eghne, And I was swythe in a sweuen sweped belyue. Me thoghte I was in the werlde, I ne wiste in whate ende [quarter], On a loueliche lande þat was ylike grene Ö (45-8) L possibly alludes to this poem at ll. 22 and v. 24-5 below. Of the relevant conventions that were evidently common by Lís time, the chief is that which associates a dream with a fine May morning, trees and birds, flowers and flowing water. This is as old as the <i>Roman de la Rose</i>, and is adopted by Chaucer in the <i>Book of the Duchess</i> and the <i>Legend of Good Women</i>. In the first two of these poems the May morning and its setting are part of the dream itself; <i>PPl</i>, like <i>LGW</i> and <i>Parlement of the Thre Ages</i>, makes the May morning the occasion of the dream. In casting his Prologue into this form L is appealing to an audience well-read in fashionable secular literature both French and English. The convention requires that the <i>persona</i> of the dreamer should be fictional, whether a purely passive spectator, or the protagonist. In L's <i>persona</i> the roles alternate: in the Prologue he is the spectator, in the following passus the interlocutor. Vaughan 1 <i>as I south wente</i>: This reading (supported by only three MSS: Ra, U, and T2) cannot be explained away as derived from the more commonly attested ' whanne soft was the sonne ' (cf. <a href="kanenotes/prologue.note.1.htm">Kane, 433 n.1</a>). Since the latter could be explained by contamination from the universal reading in the B/C MSS, and since no other argument would contest the conclusion that ' as I south wente ' may well be the harder reading, I have opted to favor the more unusual reading found in these three MSS, two of which (Ra and U) have (in Knott-Fowler's 'family' and Kane's 'well established .... genetic ... large group' [39]) a persistent and close relationship to MS T, the base manuscript chosen for both of the twentieth-century critical editions. The third (T2) is often aligned with Ra and U in what Kane characterizes as one (along with RaUD) of the 'two major discrepant groups' (Kane 97) among the persistent affiliations of MSS. Ra's ' whenne ' may offer some slight testimony to the direction of 'contamination' here.
		I schop me a schroude . as I a schep were ; Vaughan2 In view of the ' unholy of werkis ' in line 3, possible ambiguities of this line are worth considering. Dressing in woollen clothes (' shroud ') means one thing if ' shepe ' means 'sheep,' and something else if it means 'shepherd.' And the force of ' as ' will vary, depending on whether it is taken as a simple statement of similarity ('like') or whether it suggests an intentional, or even innocent, deception or misrepresentation: 'as if.' Bennett 2. <i>shepe</i>. Skeat argues, and other editors assume, that the poet purports to be a shepherd; and indeed <i>shepherde</i> is the reading of at least one C MS. (HM 137). But the spelling <i>shepe</i> should indicate [ē]; <i>shep</i>, 'shepherd', [∫ep] is a different form: cf. OED, s.v. <i>shep</i>. The word for 'sheep' is regularly <i>shepe</i> in the Laud MS., e.g. xv. 354, though variant spellings are certainly to be found in other MSS. In fact l. 3 indicates that the garment resembles a hermit's, not a shepherd's; and shepe may simply indicate that this garment is of sheep's wool, or russet; cf. viii. 1: 'Thus yrobed in russed I romed about'óreferring to this passage; cf. also xviii. 1: 'wolleward and wete-shoed'. The Romaunt of the Rose , 6480-1 shows that a hermit's (woollen) dress was distinctive: 'For as thyn abit sheweth wel / Thou semest an hooly heremite'. There Amour is addressing Faux-Semblant, and his point is that 'l'abis ne fet pas l'ermite'; Faux-Semblant is a hypocrite, revelling in his hypocrisy. The narrator perhaps means to suggest that his dress made him resemble those hypocritical hermits who went about beggingówolves in sheep's clothing (cf. C x. 140-1, 240 ff.).
		In abyte as an ermyte von holy of werkys Fowler 3. <i>unholy of werkis</i>. Thatis, a false hermit, one that leaves his cell and wanders about. See Introduction, Hermits, and cf. pr. 50-54. Vaughan 3 Since not all hermits are unholy of works (see Pro.28), and presumably one's moral status cannot be determined from one's ' abite ,' what determines this particular hermit's unholy works is the fact that he travels around with his ears open for 'wondris.' As a specific category of devout religious, hermits were expected to keep to certain sites and often performed useful services in remote places, for which they would qualify for donations from travelers and be accorded protection by civil and ecclesiastical authorities. In Passus 7.133, Piers will specifically state that he will work to provide alms for those anchorites and hermits who keep to their 'sellys.' See K-F's Introduction (44-45), and Bennett's <a href=<a href="bennett%27s%20notes/prologue.note.28.html">note a>.
		Y wente wyde in þis worlde . wondrys to hure .
5		But vpon a may morwe on maluerne hyllys
		Me by fel a ferly . of fayrye me þouʒte ;
		I was wery for wandred . I wente me to reste
		Vnder a brod banke by a burne syde .
		But as I lay and lenede and loked on þe waterys
10		I slombryd in a slepyng . I sweuenede so merye ;
		Þer gan I to mete a merwelous swouene
		Þat I was in a wildernysse . I wyste neuere where .
		But as I behelde into þe este . vp to þe sunne Vaughan 13 <i>wildernesse</i> : like ' ferly ,' this points to something beyond the ordinary. It's possible, of course, that in the poet's day the Malvern hills themselves were something of a 'wild,' uncultivated place. Fowler 13ff. In the east the dreamer sees a tower (heaven), opposite which is a dungeon (hell), and in between a field full of folk (the world). Skeat (<i>Parallel Texts</i>, II, 4), Jusserand (<i>MP</i> VI, 310), and others have thought that this passage reflects the author's familiarity with the medieval drama. Jusserand refers to an illustration in the MS of the Valenciennes Passion, which shows, on one side, God's Tower or Palace; on the opposite side, the devil's castle; and between the two, a space where the main action takes place. Skeat calls attention to a sketch of the staging of the <i>Castle of Perseverance</i> (a reproduction of which may be conveniently found in J. Q. Adams, <i>Chief Pre-Shakespearian Dramas</i>, 264). This sketch shows the castle located in the center of the platea , or circular stage, surrounded by a moat or ditch, with the scaffold of God situated to the east of the castle, that of the World to the west, Flesh to the south, Belial to the north, etc. It has also been argued that <i>Piers the Plowman</i> itself influenced the later drama (cf. <i>PMLA</i>, XXVI, 339 ff.); and of course the <i>Castle of Perseverance</i>, though it is one of the earliest moralities, is much later than our poem; it was probably composed about 1425. But references to the so-called <i>pater noster</i> plays (first referred to in 1378) indicate that plays something like the <i>Castle of Perseverance</i> and <i>Mankind</i> were probably being produced prior to our earliest surviving moralities. If this be the case, the striking picture that our author here presents may owe something of its concrete visualization to the medieval stage.
		I saw a tour in a coste . tryly ontyrid ; Vaughan 14 If the dream landscape corresponds at all to the Malvern Hills of the waking scene, then he is apparently on the Hereford side of the hills, and looking eastward, up the hillside, on one of the summits (' on a toft ') of which he sees the tower. <i>triʒely</i>: the word's root meaning is 'excellent' or 'exceptional' and, like other words in these opening lines of the dream, point to a construction that is out of the ordinary.
15		A dep dale by neþe . a doungon þerynne Vaughan 15 <i>dungeoun</i>: a castle keep: the chief, or most secure, tower in a medieval castle. Modern <i>dungeon</i> suggests this tower was often the place to secure prisoners.
		wiþ depe dykys and derke . dredful of syʒth .
		A fayr felde ful of folke fonde I bytwene Vaughan 17 <i>fair feld</i>: a field, presumably relatively flat and open, on which a fair or market was being held. Perhaps the presence of numerous people would itself suggest the idea of a 'fair.'
		Of alle maner of men . þe mene and þe riche ;
		Worchynge and wandrynge as þis wordle askys Vaughan 19 ' as the world askith ': the folk are engage in the ordinary activities of life. The following lines detail some of those activities and do not immediately suggest the the 'world' here must be taken as in opposition to some higher realm. The fair field is placed between the tower and the dungeon; it is not inevitably associated with either of the extremes (heaven and hell) with which those two constructions can be connected.
20		Somme putte hem to þe plow . and pleyde ful selde .
		In seed tyme of sowyng swonkyn ful harde
		Þat þes wastourys now wyt glotonye destroyen ; Vaughan 22 <i>Wonne þat</i>: replaces K-F's 'That many of.' The many variants in the MSS suggest an early uncertainty about the syntax here and the awkwardness of K-F's 'swonke ... That,' as well as its weaker <a href="/D:/Piers%20Edition/Fowler%27s%20Notes/Prologue.note.22.html"> alliteration a> suggests Kane's '[Wonne] þat' is a more likely original. Fowler 22. As it stands, this line is weak in alliteration; but see the variant readings in the TEXTUAL NOTES. For the words "That many of" Skeatis B- and C-texts have "And wonnen that." Probably "with" is intended to alliterate; cf. 2.30, 5.25, and 7.88; and see <i>MLR</i>, XVII, 403 ff.
		Some putte hem to pride . and paralyde hem þer after
		In countenance of cloþing þey [***]yn dysgysed . Vaughan 24 <i>In cuntenaunce of clothing</i>: 'in a display of [fine] clothing; in ostentatious dress'
25		To prayere and to penaunce putte hem many
		ffor þe loue of oure lord lyuede ful strayte ;
		In hope for to haue heuene ryche blysse
		As ankerys and hermytys þat lyuen in her cellys . Vaughan 28 Anchorites and hermits were devout solitaries, participants in a long-standing tradition which sought religious benefits by retreating from the ordinary world to devote themselves to ascetic denial, meditation, and contemplation. Anchorites and anchoresses lived and enclosed life in prison-like cells, sometimes attached to churches or houses in towns. Hermits tended to be less firmly enclosed, but often in caves or primitive huts more or less removed from inhabited settlements. Some, for example, lived near rivers where they could direct travelers to fords or maintain bridges. Aside from any practical benefit they could offer, many hermits (as did anchorites/esses) attracted people to their cells because of their reputation for prayer and holiness. Fowler 28. This refers to the good hermits, who stayed in their cells (see note to pr. 3 above, and cf. 7.133). It is of interest to note that the author is not simply satirizing the evils of his day in this picture of the field full of folk, but includes good hermits, as well as hard workers that "pleighede ful selde" and honest minstrels who were rewarded legitimately for their entertainment. Cf. Dunning, <i>Piers Plowman: An Interpretation of the A-text</i>, 26 ff.Bennett 28 The ME <i>Ancrene Wisse</i> conveys a vivid impression of the life of enclosed anchoresses--sometimes actually walled up in their cell or <i>ankerhold</i> (cf. <i>holden</i>), as was the anchoress who once live on the site of Mob Quad in Merton College, Oxford (and cf. <i>VCH London</i>, i. 585); a hermit, on the other hand, was left more free to wander. Richard Rolle (<i>ob</i> . 1349) displays the effectiveness of a hermit's life at its best; but often hermits lived by roads, fords, or bridge (as at Cambridge), where they received alms or tolls, and were liable to temptation. Piers is prepared to give alms to those of either vocation who 'eten by at nones' (vi. 147) but not to those who had no genuine calling (cf. C x. 188 ff.). See further R. M. Clay, <i>The Hermits and Anchorites of England</i> (1914) with its supplement in <i>Journal of the Brit. Archaeological Assoc</i>., 3rd ser. 16 (1953), 74; and the <i>LIfe of St. Christina of Markyate, a Twelfth Century Recluse</i>, ed. C. H. Talbot (1959).
		And coueytyn nouʒth in þe countre to caryen a boute
30		for none lykerous lyflode here lykamys to plese ;
		And somme chosen hem to chaffare . þey cheuyd þe betre . Vaughan 31 <i>chosen hem to chaffare</i>: 'took up buying and selling.' The 'semith to oure sight' in the next line suggests that the success (<i>cheven the betere</i>) of these people is more apparent than real to the narrator's (and poet's?) way of thinking.
		as it ys sene to oure syʒth þat suche men þryuen .
		And summe men myrthes to make . as menstralys cunne Vaughan 33 <i>menstralys</i>: This is the first mention of another group which, like hermits, is associated with the poem's narrator and whose moral status is not necessarily determined by the choice of vocation: the 'synneles, I trowe' in the next line may be a left-handed compliment, but it is strongly contrasted with a firm rejection of 'Judacys chyldryn' in the following lines. Bennett 33 <i>mynstralles</i>. The precise occupation covered by the term has been the subject of dispute ever since the time of Percy and Ritson. They were clearly specialized entertainers, and essentially instrumentalists rather than singers. R. L. Greene claims that they are never represented as singing (and in any case only harpers or drummers would be able to sing as they made music): in that case it is inaccurate to speak of 'minstrels' song-books' and so forth. L may have in mind those gleemen who were attached to noble households or visited them regularly (cf. C x. 128 f.)<sup>1</sup>as distinct from the vagabond <i>jongleurs</i> who are 'Judas children' (a phrase found later in <i>Jack Upland's Rejoinder </i>, 348) inasmuch as they practise deceit for money, Judas being the prototype of the 'feigner' (cf. xvi. 155), iangelers (35) evidently includes tellers of 'off-colour' or obscene stories. For similar charges and similar phrasing v. <i>Jacob's Well</i>, p. 134. It is noteworthy that the poet-here inserting a personal opinion-approves (with good scholastic warrant) of 'clean' secular entertainment, as well as of the ascetic life. This balance between various ways of life, religious and secular, is characteristic of the poem: cf. esp. xix. 224-45. <small><sup>1</sup> Note, e.g., the payments recorded in <i>BPR</i>, iii. 317 to <i>ministral </i> and a <i>rymour</i>.</small>
		Gete gold wiþ her gle . synne les I trowe ;
35		Ac iaperis and iangeleres . iudacys chyldryn
		gon fyndyn meny fantasyes and foles hem makyn .
		And han wit at her wille to worche what hem lykys
		Þat þat poule precheþ of hem I dar not prouyn here ; Vaughan 38 Most, following Skeat, take this as an allusion to 2 Thess. 3:10 (<i>Si quis non vult operari nec manducet</i>: If anyone is not willing to work, let him not eat). Fowler 38. <i>That Poule prechith of hem</i>. Perhaps, as Skeat thought, the poet has in mind 2 Thess. 3:10. "...if any would not work, neither should he eat."
		Qui loquitur turpiloquium ys lucyferes hyne Vaughan 39 <i>Qui loquitur turpiloquium</i>: 'he who speaks evil.' The idea, though not the exact phrase apparently, does appear in St. Paul (cf. Ephesians 5:4 and Colossians 3:8). The syntax does not require 39 to be in apposition to Paul's preaching in 38; it may be the narrator's reason for (rationalization of) his own reticence here, and indicate that 'preve'-ing it here may be lowering himself to the level of those he is criticizing. The word 'turpiloquium' is not limited in meaning to 'slander'; the phrase may amount to little more than 'say bad things about.' The narrator, as himself a species of 'minstrel,' may be avoid appearing to be a pot calling a kettle black: judge not lest you be judged! Fowler 39. <i>Qui Loquitur turpiloquium</i>. "He who speaks slander" (cf. Eph. 5:4; Col. 3:8). Our author seems to have been fond of this mixture of Latin and the vernacular, a phenomenon known as macaronic verse. Cf. 1.50-51, 84, 4. 126-27, 5.42, etc. See Sullivan, <i>The Latin Insertions and the Macaronic Verse in Piers Plowman</i>, especially chapters IV and V.
40		beggeres and bydderes faste a boute ʒede, .
		Til her belyes and her bagges ware bred ful crammed
		þei flyteþ for her foode . and fyʒthen at þe ale; Vaughan 42 Kane make as fairly convincing case for Flite here. I am less convinced that Ch's 'Fliten þan' is to be preferred over the manuscripts which favor 'þei fliten' (U) and its variants.
		in glotenye god wot . go þei to bedde
		and rysen up wiþ rybaudye . as robertes knauys; Vaughan 44 roberdis knaves : cf. <a href=<a href="bennett%27s%20notes/prologue.note.44.htm">Bennett a>
45		Sclep and slowthe sewyth hem euere
		pylgrymys and palmeres plytyth hem to gedere Fowler 46ff. The medieval pilgrimage, initiated for purely devotional purposes, had degenerated till in the fourteenth century we find it unquestionably prompted, for the most part, by worldly motives. In Chaucer's prologue to the <i>Canterbury Tales</i>, the pilgrims are actuated by little more than the desire to indulge in the equivalent of our modern summer vacations. <b>Seint Jame</b>. Aside from Rome itself, one of the most popular holy places in Christendom was the famous shrine of Saint James at Compostella in Spain. Chauceris well-traveled Wife of Bath had been, among other places, "In Galice at Seint Jame." We are told that "hermits" went to <b>Walsyngham</b>, which was an English shrine in Norfolk , second only to that of St. Thomas at Canterbury, where Chaucer's pilgrims were going. It seems clear that the pilgrimages of these false hermits, with "here wenchis aftir," were mere debauches.
		For to seke seynt Jame and sentes in rome Vaughan 47 <i>Seint Jame</i>: The pilgrimage to Santiago (St. James) de Compostela in Galicia (NW Spain) was (next to Rome) the most popular in Europe in the Middle Ages, with a series of diverse routes threading their way across France and the Pyrenees and west across N. Spain. The scallop shell was the 'sign' of this pilgrimage, attesting to the appeal of the seafood in that region. See <a href="/D:/Piers%20Edition/John%27s%20XML/UnZipped/PiersA%20%28K-F%29/content/notes/Prologue.note.46.html">Fowler</a> .
		and wente forþ in her way wiþ manye wyse talys .
		And hadde leve to lye al her lyf after
50		hernytes on an hepe wiþ hokede stauys
		wente to Walsyngham . and her wenches after. Vaughan 51 <i>Walsyngham</i>: the shrine of 'Our Lady of Walsingham' in Norfolk (about 100 miles north of London, and about five miles from the North Sea coast) was one of the most popular (and wealthy) pilgrimage sites in England. An Augustinian monastery there had a chapel representing the home of Mary and Joseph in Nazareth. Often called a Loreto, the Nazareth house was a model for devotional chapels at a number of sites in Europe.
		grete lobyes and longe . loth for to swynke .
		Cloþed hem in copys to be knowe fro oþere; Vaughan 53 It is difficult to miss noticing, in this criticism of 'Ermytes,' the similarities they have to the dreamer of the opening lines, who 'shop' himself 'In <span class="glossterm" onmouseover="showGlossWindow('habit');" onmouseout="showGlossWindow('');" onclick="showGlossWindow('habit');" title="habit">abite as an <span class="glossterm" onmouseover="showGlossWindow('hermit');" onmouseout="showGlossWindow('');" onclick="showGlossWindow('hermit');" title="hermit">ermyte , unholy of werkis.'
		schopyn hem ermytes . here ese to haue ;
55		[ ] on fele halue fonden hem to done Textual 55
		lederes þei be of louedayes . and wiþ þe lawe medle .
		I fonde þer þe freres . alle þe fower orderes Vaughan 57 <i>freres</i>: The title 'brother' (Lat. <i>frater</i>; Fr. <i>frere</i>; Engl. <i>friar</i>) was given to members of a new type of religious order founded in the early thirteenth century. The four main fraternal orders were the Franciscan (Minorites, or grey friars), Dominicans (Preachers, or black friars), Carmelites (white friars), and Augustinians (Austin friars). In the fourteenth century the fraternal orders were expanding greatly and were subject to much criticism from secular clergy (i.e., clergy responsible to bishops and looking after geographical parishes) since they felt the friars were trespassing on their prerogatives and income, and by being 'easy' in granting absolution in confession weakening the moral atmosphere, and the local social control exerted by resident praish clergy. This poem reflects many features of this anti-fraternal criticism. Fowler 57 (= K-F, 55). <b>friars</b>. The four orders were: 1) The Franciscans, also called Minorites (cf. 9.9), or Grey Friars, because of their garb; 2) the Dominicans, also known as the preaching friars, because of their zeal in combating heresy, or the Black Friars, because of their dress, or the Jacobins, after a Dominican House located in Paris on the Rue St. Jacques; 3) the Carmelites, or White Friars; and 4) the Austins, or Augustine Friars. See INTRODUCTION, <i>Friars</i>. Textual 55 There is a blank space (of approx. 9 letters) at the beginning of this line in Ra. This and the following line are unique to Ra and E, and 'Vicars' is supplied from the latter, which has two unique lines preceding the two found also in Ra: 'Persons with &thor;air p[ro]curases p[er]mutyn þair chirches / With al þe besynes of þair body þe bett[er] to haue' (copied from Kane, 49).
		prechynge þe peple for profyt of here wombys ;
		glosede þe gospel as hem goud lykede Vaughan 57 <i>Gloside</i>: The basic meaning is 'interpret,' 'translate,' 'comment upon.' However, since all translations in one way or another alter or 'spin' the meaning the connotations of the original word, 'glossing' frequently carries connotations of deceit and self-serving. Cf. OED
60		for couetyse of copys construd yt as þei wolde .
		Many of þo maystres mown cloþen hem at lykyng
		for her money and her marchaundyse metyn to gederes ;
		Sythe charite haþ be chapman . & chef to shryue lordis Fowler 61-64. "Since love has become a merchant (and chiefly to shrive lords), many wonders have occurred in a few years; and unless the Church and they hold better together, the greatest mischief on earth is rapidly approaching." This may be a veiled reference by our poet to some recent event that has impressed him. The "hy" of line 63 seems clearly to refer to the friars; "holy chirche" must, as Skeat noted, refer to the secular clergy. There was, of course, much bitter dissension between these two groups, which can largely be traced to the friars' exaggerated claims about their power of confession. It will be recalled that Chaucer's friar <span class="blockquote">. . . hadde power of confessioun, As seyde hym self, moore than a curat. (pr. 218-19) </span> One critic has suggested (cf. Dunning, 20) that the "Manye ferlies" of line 62 refers to the quarrel between the friars and Richard Fitz-Ralph, Archbishop of Armagh, who delivered a series of sermons against the Mendicants, which were preached in English at St. Paul's Cross in the winter of 1356-7 (cf. <i>Studies</i>, XXVI (1937), 50-52).
		ffele ferlis han falle in a fewe ʒerus
65		But holy cherche and þey holdyn to gederys
		þe moste myschef of þis molde mounteþ vp faste ;
		þere prechede a pardoner . a prest as þouʒ he were Vaughan 67 <i>pardoner</i>: an individual licensed to proclaim an 'indulgence' or 'pardon.' He is not, strictly speaking, a member of the clergy, and therefore the critical qualification here that he preached 'as if he were a priest.' Most pardoners were quite laymen, who had been granted the right to make known the existence of a grant of indulgence, and were authorized to take up collections on behalf of the institution to whom the indulgence had been granted. So, for example, Chaucer's Pardoner is licensed to go about announcing an indulgence being granted individuals in return for contributions to the activities of the religious house of Roncevals which ran a hospital (?) in London, and was one of the house of a monastery headquartered in Roncevals in the Pyrenees. Presumably, these 'salesmen' retained portions of these donations for their own expenses, and some of them were no doubt charlatans. However, nothing aside from a complete rejection of the idea of pardons, which was questioned by some in the period of Piers Plowman , could automatically condemn Chaucer's Pardoner as a 'fraud.' There is no over doubt cast on the authenticity of his 'bulles,' the formal documents issued from Rome which identify the terms of the indulgence. Here, the 'bulle with bisshopis selis' indicates that the bishop issued (or, more likely, at this date, publicized) the indulgence. At the root of the later medieval Church's practice of issuing indulgences lay the doctrine of the 'treasury of merit.' The principle behind the 'treasury' is that as the earthly representatives of Jesus Christ, the Church had access to the inexhaustible merits achieved by Jesus's passion and death. To use a banking metaphor, the Church had the power to draw on an endowment whose funds it could distribute as it saw fit. And these 'funds' could be used to pay off debts accumulated on earth and remaining to be paid by souls who would have to undergo punishment for their sins in Purgatory, These benefits could, of course, be granted gratis , but the Church insisted on some sign of reformed character and good intention in return for which the benefits of the indulgence could be granted (or, actually, assumed by the recipient). So writs of indulgence spelled out terms in return for which the effects of the indulgence would apply: going on a pilgrimage, performing certain devotions, contributing to the care of the sick or to the maintenance of bridges, making donations in support of sanctioned activities of religious groups). Because the Sacrament of Penance (Confession) would absolve (l. 67: 'assoile') the guilt ('culpa'), but not the 'temporal punishment' ('poena') due for sins, sinners were directed to make 'satisfaction' for their sins through certain penitential acts, which would remove the 'poena' remaining after absolution. And if all was not removed by acts in this life it would be purged by sufferings in the next. To avoid fear of these sufferings in Purgatory after death, sinners could gain 'indulgences' which would reduce (or do away entirely with) those accumulated penalties. For sinners this became an attractive option, and for the church, and confidence men, a lucrative business. Indulgences, to begin with, were partial, releasing souls from certain days (e.g., seven or forty) in Purgatory. Eventually, the value of these declined and inflation set in, which resulted in the proliferation of full (or 'plenary' indulgences, which would remove all the accumulated penalties due for one's sins. These were sometimes (improperly) called pardons 'a poena et a culpa' (from penalty and from guilt). In strict terms, no indulgence could remove the 'culpa,' but because the efficacy of any pardon depended on the prior grant of sacramental absolution following a full and complete confession, it was common to refer to this cumulative effect by this phrase. There were, of course, without doubt many who misunderstood, and misrepresented, these indulgences, and the Roman Church properly reformed the entire practice in response to the Protestant reformers who decried the abuses as beyond reform and attacked the fundamental principle of the 'treasury of merit.' The Roman Catholic Church still holds to the doctrine of the 'treasury of merit' and of 'indulgences,' but the granting of the latter in return for monetary contributions is no longer permitted, as it was in the later Middle Ages. The pardoner here is clearly misrepresenting his powers, and it is only the illiterate ('lewide') who believed him. He is not a 'prest,' and therefore does not have the right to absolve ('assoile') anyone's sins. Indeed, even a priest did not have that power, except in cases of necessity. In strict canon law (after the Fourth Lateran Council), it was the parish priest who was authorized to hear his parishioners confession and grant absolution, and one of the central points in the controversies surrounding the fraternal orders was that they repeatedly claimed the right to absolve anyone whose confession they heard.
		brouʒthe forþ bullys wyth busschopys selys . Vaughan 66 bulle with bisshopis selis:
		And seyde hym self myʒte a soyle hem alle Vaughan 67 <i>assoile</i>: since it's clear from 65 that the pardoner is not in fact a priest, he has no power to absolve ('assoile') anyone of anything.
70		of falsnesse of fastynge . of a vowes brokyn ; Bennett 68 From the times of Jean de Meun, in France, of Dante, in Italy ( v. <i>Paradiso</i>, 5. 79), and Chaucer, in England, down to Sir David Lindsay ( v. <i>The Poor Man and the Pardoner</i>), the figure of the pardoner was the constant object of criticism and satire; and L's charges can be substantiated in many contemporary documents ( v. J. Jusserand, 'Chaucer's Pardoner and the Pope's Pardoner' in <i>Essays on Chaucer</i>, pt. v, Chaucer Soc. Pubcns. (2nd ser., 1884)). But two points must be borne in mind: (i) At least two 14th-c. popes (Gregory IX and Urban VI) and manyh lesser churchmen spoke strongly against the abuses of the system of quæ stores . The University of Oxford proposed the abolition of the office of pardoner in 1414, thought this was not carried out till 150 years later. (ii) However scandalous the traffic became, the doctrine on which it was based was not palpably false or irrational: a pardon, or writ of indulgence, was simply, at first, a commutation of the temporal punishment due to sin <i>in this life</i>; a specific number of days could be named becuase orginally these were deductible from a period of penance imposed by the Church. An indulgence did not secure salvation and the pardoner was simply the authorized channel through which the Church dispensed indulgences out of the inexhaustible treasury of the merits of Christ, the B.V.M., and the saints. Nor was the money given by the faithful at the time of receiving these indulgences originally regarded as payment for them, but as a contribution to the work of the universal church. The system was not abused until these payments began to be regarded as the <i>price</i> of a pardon and the pardoner began to claim power (as in l. 70) to absolve from sins without confession or contrition; v. Southern, pp. 136-42 for further discussion, and 99 n below. L's pardoner is-as many were-a layman, or at least only in minor orders. His bull is presumably a papal bull, i.e. a formal statement of the indulgence carrying the seals of various bishops stating that they had given him licence to preach the indulgence in their diocese: he should also have had a licence from the king, bearing the royal seal (cf. <i>CT</i>, C 335-7). But L's pardoner represents his bull as giving him powers to absolve his hearers himself, <i>a pena et a culpa</i>, though such absolution ought to be given only by a priest, after hearing confession; and even a priest would require a special licence (no know as faculty papers). The Oxford petition of 1414 notes especially that 'although not in holy orders the shameless pardoners preach publicly and pretend falsely that they have full power of absolving both living and dead alike from punishment and guilt.' The climax of the first part of the poem (vii. 116 ff.) is to be nothing esle than a dispute over the validity of pardons.
		þe lewde men leued hym wel . and lykyd his speche,
		come knelyng vp to kyssyn his bullys .
		He blessed hem wiþ his brevet . and blered here eyes Vaughan 71 The suggestion that the pardoner may have physically struck the 'lewide men' with the writ of indulgence, when they were trying to kiss it, makes the scene rather slapstick in its humor. The words may suggest that the pardoner physically as well as metaphorically blinds them (<i>bleride here eighe</i>), and this mixture of the literal and metaphoric continues in the next line, where the pardoner is imagined as raking in (<i>raughte</i>) rings and brooches with the rolled up indulgence (<i>rageman</i>).
		rauʒthe hem wiþ his rageman broches and rynges ;
75		Þus YOGHe ʒeuen YOGHore gold glotonys to helpyn
		And lenyn hit loselys þat lecherye haunten . Vaughan 74 The direct address to his audience/readers here ('ye') is the first striking instance of the kind of immediate relevance this poem at times asserts. The critical issue being addressed here are not set off in some distant world, unconnected to the lives of those listening to or reading this poem. Like the geographical reality of the Malvern HIlls, the characters being described, and castigated, in this poem are not limited to the realms of 'fantasye' or 'faerie' but are denizens of the everyday world of fourteenth-century England. Bennett 74-5. <i>bonched</i> suggests that the pardoner is pushing the brevet into their very faces, but also browbeating them, whilst <i>blered</i> implies that they were almost literally dazzled by the impressive document as well as being fooled by it (the usual sense of the phr.); cf. Lydgate, <i>Seying of the Nightingale</i>, 206: 'I was beten and benchyd in myn owen face' (where two MSS. read bonched ). <i>ragman</i>. The first dated occurrences of the word are in a statute of 4 Edward I (1276) and in an assize roll of 1280 <i>Placita de ragemannis et de Quo Warranto in Comitatu Nottingham</i>. Such a roll recorded the answers to inquiries put by justices in eyre to witnesses in each hundred of each shire (and hence was called a hundred-roll). The seals of the witnesses questioned were attached to these long rolls by cutting the bottom edge of the parchment into strips, which thus formed a tattered fringe; and the inquisitors who carried these ragged rolls came to be known as ragmen-half derisively, since the inquiry was designed to augment the royal rolls themselves, and thus to any documents presenting a similar appearance-e.g., to the charter of 1291 by which the King of Scotland and his nobles recognized the suzerainty of Edward I: this carried the seals of some 42 nobles attached in a similar manner. By 1290 'rageman' had come to be used also for a kind of medieval game of 'Consequences' played with a long roll to which things were attached; and 'ragmanroll' became 'rigamarole': v. M. Bemont, in <i>Essays Presented to T. F. Tout</i> (1925), and Owst in <i>Studies Presented to Hilary Jenkinson</i> (1959), p. 277. In L's time, then, a long parchment tagged with episcopal seals would be likely to evoke the same awe in a simple-minded villager as that produced by inquisitional visits of the royal justices. We are probably to envisage it as rolled up, so that the pardoner could 'hook in' the rings and brooches. Cf. <i>Mum and the Sothsegger</i>, [M] 1565-6.
		But were þe byschop y blessed and worþ boþe his erys Vaughan 75 <i>worth bothe hise eris</i>: Is there any possibility that this is a punning reference to a bishop's mit<i>er</i> and crozi<i>er</i>, two signs of his office? Fowler 75. <i>worth bothe hise eris</i>. Fit to keep both his ears, i. e., not have them cut off as a form of punishment. Cf. <i>MLN</i>, LVIII, 48.
		His selys schulde not be sent to disseyue þe peple ;
		I trowe hit be not for þe byschop þat þe boye precheþ Vaughan 79 Though he has 'busschopys selys' on his writ, he is here said not to have authorization from the bishop to preach the indulgence. And the following line asserts collusion between the pardoner and the parish priest in the effort to squeeze money out of the people, money that would otherwise go to support of the poor. The passage as a whole implies ideals of religious leadership and social responsibility that are being betrayed. If the bishop allows his seal to be used, even if he does not give a licence to preach, he is nonetheless implicated in the deception that occurs. The narrator sees a range of unconcious and conscious corruption at various levels of the ecclesiastical institution. Some (like the bishop's) contributed to the corruption through ignorance and indifference; others (like the pardoner and parish priest) are motivated by greed. Fowler 77-79. Collusion between the parish priest and the pardoner seems to have been fairly common. See G. R. Owst, <i>Preaching in Medieval England</i>, 103: "The indefatigable Grandisson [Bishop of Exeter in the first half of the fourteenth century] lays bare, in a document glowing with indignation, the system he has detected at work in his diocese, by which a whole army of false questors, many of whom were laymen [cf. "as he a prest were," line 65], were being encouraged by the archdeacon's officials, who pocketed the proceeds that came their way" (quoted by Dunning, <i>Piers Plowman</i>, 29, note 5).
80		but for þe pardoner and þe parichesprest departyn þe syluer Bennett 78. <i>yblissed</i>. The bishop is blessed at the consecration ceremony, cf. vii. 13 and <i>OED</i>, s.v. <i>bless</i>, v.<sup>1 sup> I. 1† b. s.a. 1154, 1420. 'If the bishop were doing his work properly, and remembered his consecration vows...' worth bothe his eres : probably a colloquial equivalent of 'worht his salt' or 'on the spot', 'alert to what is going on' (G. K. Johnston (<i>N & Q</i> 204 (1959), 243) cites a similar phrase from the Towneley Plays); but possibly = 'worthy to keep his ears', i.e. not to lose them in the pillory as the accomplce of a cheat (which he is, in so far as he allows the pardoner to practise this fraud): so Fancy in Skelton's <i>Mafnyficence</i> fears 'to lose myn eres twayne (349)'. Yet this particular punishment could hardly befall a bishop. bothe in any case is simply emphatic: cf. <i>CT</i>, D 1941.
		þat þe pore scholde departyn þat þei ne were
		parsonys and parrysprestes playnen to her byschop ;
		þat her parryssenys ben pore siþen þe pestelens tyme Bennett 83 (i.e. B Pr.84) The line describes one of the worst effects of the Black Death--the plague (probably bubonic) that overspread Europe in a few years and reached England in 1348, recurring in 1361, 1369, and later. Not only did priests and parsons (as well as monks and friars) die off in great numbers: the cost of living rose and the clergy found that the number of their parishioners was so diminished that they could no longer live on their tithes and oblations. Hence many priests abandoned their parishes--not always waiting for their bishop's permission--to seek more lucrative duties in London. The post most often sought htere was that of chantry priest, whose function it was to chant the office for the dead and to say or sing mass for the souls for the dead founder of the chantry who bequeathed a fund or property (sometimes including a dwelling) for the support of the clerk or priest thus engaged. By the middle of the century the merchant guilds, now growing rapidly in wealth, were endowing such chapels for their members. They became especially common in London, where each decade saw some thirty established, and especially numerous at St. Paul's, where they were greatly abused-as L evidently knew-until Bishop Braybrook reformed them in 1381. A typical instance of a chaplain who refused to change his easy chantry post for a parish, because a pestilence (that of 1361-2) was afflicting the East Riding district to which he had been assigned is noted by Thompson, p. 123 n. 1. For the evils of non-residence v . Pantin, pp. 27, 98-9, 115. [*<i>v</i>. Addenda, p. 226.] ---- Addenda, p. 226: On chantries v . Rosalind Hill in <i>The Reign of Richard II: Essays in Honour of May McKisack</i> (1971), pp. 242-5. Fowler 83 (= K-F 81). <b>pestilence tyme</b>. This is the first mention by our poet of the Black Death. It is later referred to directly in 5.13, 10.185, and 11.59, and perhaps indirectly in 5.32-33. See INTRODUCTION, <i>The Pestilence</i>. Although from 1348 to 1370 there were three especially violent epidemics--first in 1348-49, then in 1361-62, and 1368-69--there seems to be no reference to any particular one of these; our author simply says "the pestilence" or "the pestilence tyme."
		to haue a lycence and a leue at londoun to dwelle . Vaughan 82 <i>Lundoun</i>: as a major population center it would provide more occasions for rural priests to gain greater income. As a result of the Black Death in the 1340s, there had been a proportionately large loss in the ranks of the clergy, and the laws of supply and demand would have bearing on that profession as much as it did on 'laborers' whose freedom of movement various government regulations attempted to restrain.
85		To synge for symonye . for sylver is swete Vaughan 83 <i>symonye</i>: simony is the name given to the sin of exchanging money for spiritual office or other items of spiritual value. The term goes back to Simon Magus who in the Acts of the Apostles (8:18ff.) who offers Philip money in exchange for some of the power he displays.
		þer houyd an houndred in howys of sylke ;
		seriauntes þo semede . pletede at þe barre Vaughan 87 <i>Serjauntis</i>: 'sergeants of the law' are the equivalent of crown prosecutors??
		þei pleted for penys and poundyt þe lawe . Vaughan 88 <i>penis and poundis</i>: pennies/pence and pounds, standard coins of English currency. There were 240 pence in a pound (=twenty shillings; four crowns). Like the American 'dollars and cents,' the phrase is a common one for 'money.'
		Ac non for þe loue of our lord opnyd here lyppys
90		þu myʒthist beter mete þe myst on maluerne hyllys
		þan getyn a mum of her mowʒt tyl monye be schewyd
		I saw þer byschops bolde and bacheleres of dyuyn Vaughan 92 As nearly the only ones with university education, clergy were often employed in governmental service and administration. The narrator here, however, clearly wants to maintain a distinction between church and state and to insist that the positions ('dignites') to which clergymen are preferred are first and foremost to 'preach to the people and feed the poor. Their seeking to advance in the royal service will lead to the destruction ('shende') of the country.
		By come clerkes of acount . þe kyng for to seruen
		I saw ther archedeknys and denys . þat dignyte hauyn Fowler 92. <b>Archideknes and denis</b>. The archdeacon was next in rank below a bishop, and acted as the latter's delegate in judicial duties in a certain area of the diocese. The dean exercised a similar function in the rural deanery, which was a subdivision of the archdeaconis sphere of jurisdiction. These offices are still maintained in the Anglican church. On this whole passage see INTRODUCTION, <i>Clerks in Worldly Office</i>.
95		to preche þe peple and pore men to fede
		þey beþ lopyn to loundoun . þorw leue of here byschop .
		And beþ clerkes of þe kynges bench . þe cuntre to shynde.
		barounys & burgeysys . and bondeagys alse ;
		I saw in þat symple . as ʒe schul here herafter
100		I saw þer bakesteres & brewesteres . bocheres AMPERSAND kokys . Fowler 100f (= K-F, 98 f.) The OE endings -<i>estre</i>, -<i>istre</i>, -<i>ystre</i> were the feminine terminations of nouns. In ME the ending -<i>stre</i> or -<i>ster</i> originally preserved the OE meaning, but later became confused with words of OF origin ending in -<i>stre</i>, -<i>ster</i>, such as <i>ministre</i>, <i>maister</i>; cf. Chaucer's <i>ydolastre</i>. It is not clear whether our author had in mind the earlier feminine denotation in such words as baxteris, bocheris, and websteris. Cf. 3.67 f., where of "Breowesters and bakeris, bocheris and cokesi" it is said that "thise arn men on thise molde that most harm werchith." On the other hand, see 5.128, "my wyf was a wynstere," as opposed to the common form wynnere (but see variant readings on 5.128 in Textual Notes).
		Wollene webesteres . and weuerys of lynene
		taylowres tauerneres . and tynkeres boþe, ;
		masounys, mynores and many oþer craftys
		ac dykeres and delueres . þat don here werk ylle .
105		To dryue forþ þe longe day wiþ deusa dammeme Vaughan 103 'Dieu save, dame Emme' is presumably a line from a song, or else a common phrase used to make excuses for not doing what one should. It appears again at VII.109. Fowler 103. <b>Dieu save, dame Emme</b>. "God save you, dame Emme." Probably from a popular song of the day. Cf. Skeat's B-text, 13.340.
		cokys and her knawys cryden "Hote pyes hote
		gode gees & grys . Go we dyne, go we!" Vaughan 107 <i>gris</i>: piglets <i>go we dyne, go we</i> (more likely than K-F's 'gowe'): '[let us] go eat,' perhaps equivalent to 'Come and get it' as a call to meals.
		tauerneres tolled hem and tolde hem þe same .
		Wiþ "whyt wyn of oseye . and of gascoyne Vaughan 107-8 Imported wines (from Alsace (?Auxerre), Gascony, the Rhine, and La Rochelle) were plentiful and attractive aids to the digestion ('defie') of hearty meals. Fowler 107 f. These are all wines exported from FranceÄîfrom Alsace, Gascony, Rhine, and Rochelle.
110		Of þe ryn and þe rochel . þat roost to defye ;
		þis I saw my self . and seuen syþes more .

Prologue